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While this is a book about TrustAfrica as a philanthropy institution thataims to mediate resources – fiscal and otherwise – towards a more justsociety, we are but one cog in the wheel; the programme achievementsare a testament to the cumulative efforts of the hundreds of partners onthe ground who are working every day to address these critical challenges,in what are fluid and challenging contexts.
Africa's Wealthy Give Back: A Perspective on Philanthropic Giving by Wealthy Africans in sub-Saharan Africa, with a focus on Kenya, Nigeria, and South AfricaOctober 27, 2014
Over the last few years we have begun to see the emergence of more strategic philanthropy, the growth of formal vehicles for its practice, and the rise of new platforms that reflect African voices. There is also a growing interest to better understand African philanthropy and learn from the experience of African philanthropists so as to achieve greater impact. This research forms part of that effort by providing a pan-African view of a specific group of philanthropists from Africa. It focuses on Kenya, Nigeria, and South Africa, countries that are in the spotlight due to their respective positions within their regions, their economic status and their levels of giving by the wealthy. However, individuals from countries such as Uganda, Ghana and the Democratic Republic of the Congo as well as from the African Diaspora also participated in the study
In this article, Moyo focuses on an element that is often ignored in discussions about philanthropy in Africa -- the intersection between philanthropy, economics and politics and how these impact on social justice.
If there is an event or a series of events that demonstrate the need to protect democracy and reclaim the space for civil society; it is none other than the uprisings in North Africa and the Middle East. These have reaffirmed the crucial point in democratic and transitional studies; that is; that economic development without political and social progress is not sustainable. By all standards and indices, North Africa was always rated highly in terms of economic performance, yet simmering underneath was a revolution as a result of the closure of the public sphere. So when in 2011, popular uprisings spread like bushfire in that region, many in academia, media, civil society and governments were caught unprepared. Change came from unexpected circles, challenging assumed doctrines and theories associated with the functionality of organised formations.
This paper is therefore a discussion of the legislative environment under which civil society, in particular organized formations, operate in Africa. It is based on twelve African countries (Angola, DRC, Ethiopia, Liberia, Mauritius, Mozambique, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe). In all these countries we studied civil/state relations, existing NGO laws and NGO policies, including other laws that have an impact on NGOs, national constitutions, processes and the general political economy of the third sector. The merging findings point to some interesting conclusions. More studies are underway in Botswana, Cameroon, Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Namibia, Nigeria, Senegal, and Swaziland. The findings from these will be integrated into the current paper. This paper is therefore work in progress -- nevertheless the countries studied already are significant to begin a discourse on state/civil society relations, public spaces, and the general legislative environment for citizens and their formations. One of the emerging findings is that the political context determined the emergence of these legal instruments.
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